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Punjab Politics: Waris Punjab De Threatens SAD (Badal)‘s Historic Role in Punjab’s Panthic Politics

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The year 1994 was a pivotal moment in the history of the Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal). During that year’s Maghi rally in Punjab’s Sri Muktsar Sahib district—an area of immense religious and military significance for the Sikh community—the late Parkash Singh Badal solidified his leadership within the party. Though Badal had already served as Punjab’s Chief Minister twice before (1970-71 and 1977-80), this strengthened his position for three more terms as Chief Minister and cemented his dominant patriarchal role in the Akali Dal. Since then, the Maghi rally has remained a cornerstone event for the now 104-year-old party.

But this year the annual Maghi Mela witnessed the presence of three distinct political rallies, each hosted by different versions of the Akali Dal: SAD (Badal), SAD (Amritsar), led by former MP Simranjit Singh Mann, and the newly formed Akali Dal Waris Punjab De (WPD). Each rally featured leaders claiming to be the true defenders of the Sikh community and interests of the border State.

On January 14, the Akali Dal (WPD) was declared formed, days after the Punjab police invoked the stringent Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) against its pro-Khalistan leader Amritpal Singh, who styles himself after the militant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who led the movement for a sovereign Sikh state of Khalistan. Amritpal, arrested in April 2023, is currently held in Dibrugarh jail in Assam under the National Security Act (NSA). Despite being incarcerated, he contested and won from the Khadoor Sahib Lok Sabha constituency in the 2024 general election. SAD (Badal) candidate and former Khalistani extremist Virsa Singh Valtoha finished fourth in the election. During the election campaign, SAD (Badal) had alleged that Amritpal had been propped up by the central agencies.

Also Read | Akal Takht has reclaimed authority over Shiromani Akali Dal. What does it mean for Punjab’s politics?

At the rally of the Akali Dal (WPD), Amritpal was declared the party president by a group of radical Sikh activists, including his father, Tarsem Singh, and Faridkot MP Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa—the son of one of the assassins of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

Self-declared savioursThe party unveiled its roadmap through the “Shri Muktsar Sahib Declaration,” a 15-point resolution calling for the boycott of SAD (Badal) leaders who, it claims, have failed to adhere to the Akal Takht’s directives issued on December 2 last year. While the declaration did not explicitly call for the establishment of Khalistan, the stage backdrop prominently featured images of Bhindranwale, Jaswant Singh Khalra—who documented the extrajudicial killings during the Punjab insurgency and was allegedly murdered by state agencies—and Deep Sidhu, who founded the Waris Punjab De (heirs of Punjab) (WPD) and died in a car crash in 2022. (After Deep Sidhu’s death, Amritpal took over the charge of the organisation.) The backdrop was accompanied by the slogan “Save Punjab, Save Sikh Panth”.

Shiromani Akali Dal leader Sukhbir Singh Badal during the party’s Maghi Mela convention, in Sri Muktsar Sahib on January 14, 2025.

Shiromani Akali Dal leader Sukhbir Singh Badal during the party’s Maghi Mela convention, in Sri Muktsar Sahib on January 14, 2025. | Photo Credit: PTI

A much-awaited Diljit Dosanjh-starrer titled Punjab 95, a biopic on Jaswant Singh Khalra, is set to be released internationally on February 7. Meanwhile, the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) has written a letter to Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, seeking a ban on the screening of the Kangana Ranaut film, Emergency, across the State. Earlier, the SGPC and Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC) had condemned Kangana’s remarks against Bhindranwale.

The speakers at the Akali Dal (WPD) rally called for a new political platform to address the void left by the rejection of the SAD (Badal) in Punjab. Faridkot MP Khalsa stressed that Akali Dal (WPD) is the new hope for the Sikh community, and criticised the former Akali leadership for losing public trust. Incidentally, Punjab’s panthic (based on Sikh religious principles) politics has, consistently, been shaped by the influence of moderate, radical, and even militant elements. A key example is the period when the SAD was perceived as neglecting the panth (spiritual path), which led to a decade of militant unrest in the State, from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s.

The party’s resolution includes commitments to uphold the “Miri-Piri principle” (a guiding principle of the Sikhs that emphasises the importance of a spiritual life while engaging with the world), return to the Anandpur initiative to bring drug addicts to the religious fold to reform them, make efforts to stop the migration of youngsters to foreign countries, and demand the release of extremist Sikh prisoners (bandi Sikhs), support the protesting farmers’ movement, and foster unity in Sikh politics. They also called for a reformed Punjab Police and stronger laws against desecration of the sacred texts.

The Badals fall foul of the Akal TakhtAt the SAD (Badal) gathering in Muktsar, Sukhbir Badal, who resigned from his post on November 16 last year, took centre stage. Senior party leader Kanwarjit Singh Barkandi declared him the party’s chief ministerial candidate for the 2027 Assembly election even though Badal does not hold any party position at present. Badal’s resignation was accepted by the party’s working committee only on January 10 as directed by the Akal Takht.

This was the first such event following Badal’s performance of tankhah—a religious penance for the party’s actions during its 2007-2017 tenure. His apology to the Akal Takht and appeal for the restoration of the Panth Rattan Fakhr-e-Qaum title to his father, Parkash Singh Badal, were seen as attempts to secure panthic support.

While the party is yet to implement many instructions issued by the Akal Takht’s decree, the event was seen as a defiance of the Akal Takht. On January 16, rebel SAD (Badal) leaders met Akal Takht jathedar (high priest) Giani Raghbir Singh at the Golden Temple in Amritsar, seeking guidance to uphold the sanctity of the seven-member committee formed by Akal Takht to revive the party. They reportedly informed the jathedar that the party leadership has been non-committal in implementing last month’s Akal Takht directives. Speculation is growing that another formation of the Akali Dal may emerge if the party disregards the seven-member committee constituted by Akal Takht to restructure the party.

Sukhbir Singh Badal appears before the Akal Takht Sahib to offer prayers for Kshama Yachna (seeking forgiveness) after completing the 10-day Tankhah (punishment for violating the Sikh religious code) as directed by Akal Takht Sahib, at the Golden Temple in Amritsar on December 13, 2024.

Sukhbir Singh Badal appears before the Akal Takht Sahib to offer prayers for Kshama Yachna (seeking forgiveness) after completing the 10-day Tankhah (punishment for violating the Sikh religious code) as directed by Akal Takht Sahib, at the Golden Temple in Amritsar on December 13, 2024. | Photo Credit: Raminder Pal Singh/ANI

The term “Akali” carries significant weight in Punjab’s panthic politics, rooted in Sikh religious history. Derived from “Akal”—meaning “timeless” or “immortal”—it symbolises the eternal God in Sikhism. Guru Nanak Dev emphasised devotion to the Akal Purush (god) while Guru Hargobind established the Akal Takht in Amritsar as both a spiritual and political hub. The Akali movement gained momentum with the formation of the Akali Khalsa Army, resisting Mughal oppression.

The origin of panthic politicsFounded in 1920 under British rule, the Akali Dal aimed to secure Sikh political representation, opposed Pakistan’s creation, and supported India’s Independence while advocating for Sikh rights. Incidentally, the Akali Dal has a history marked by frequent splits. The first major division occurred in 1928, with multiple formations emerging over political differences. This fragmentation deepened during the pre-World War II period and the Quit India Movement, with new factions led by Giani Kartar Singh and Udham Singh Nagoke. In 1984, the SAD split into two factions, Akali Dal Longowal and Akali Dal United. Successive splits in the 1980s and 1990s saw the formation of several factions, including SAD (Badal), SAD (Barnala), and others, continuing into the 1990s.

In the 1997 Assembly election, the SAD (Badal) formed an alliance with the BJP, resulting in Punjab’s first Akali-BJP government. But internal power struggles between Parkash Singh Badal and Gurcharan Singh Tohra led Tohra to form a breakaway faction, Sarv Hind Akali Dal. This division resulted in losses for the Akali Dal in the 1999 Lok Sabha and 2002 Assembly elections. By the 2004 Lok Sabha election, the factions had been reconciled, leading to a decisive victory in Punjab.

Analysts believe that the emergence of Amritpal Singh’s Akali Dal (WPD) poses yet another challenge to the already fractured SAD (Badal), which claims to be the oldest regional party in India. The Badal family’s party has had the support of moderate Sikh voters, but in recent times, the party’s grip on the panthic vote has weakened. Observers believe that the SAD (Badal) traditional vote bank has shifted to the AAP. The emergence of the Akali Dal (WPD) also underscores the continued complexity and volatility of Sikh political dynamics and the rise of new political forces vying for influence in the region.

Also Read | Is it the end of the road for the Akali Dal?

The State endured a period of intense violence in the 1980s and 1990s fuelled by the demand for Khalistan. While the movement has largely faded, efforts to revive it persist. Support for Khalistan remains among some diaspora Sikh communities, particularly in Canada, the UK, the US, and Australia. Amritpal’s Waris Punjab De is said to be under scrutiny for allegedly raising funds from abroad to support separatist activities.

The ‘we’re being attacked’ refrainSpeaking at Muktsar, Sukhbir Badal accused “anti-panthic” forces of targeting the Badal family and attempting to dismantle both the family and the SAD (Badal). He claimed that various agencies have been persistently working to tarnish their image, and added that anyone who colludes with the agencies is a traitor to the panth. He also suggested that those who criticise the SAD (Badal) are aligning themselves with the Centre. Further, Sukhbir lambasted what he termed “anti-Punjab elements” conspiring to destabilise the State. In a pointed critique, he dismissed Amritpal Singh’s newly formed political party, describing it as nothing more than a “new shop” opening.

Although the BJP failed to secure any seats in Punjab during the 2024 general election, its vote share saw a significant increase, going from 9.63 per cent in 2019 to 18.56 per cent in 2024 after contesting all the seats independently. Political analysts suggest that a major factor in this growth was the consolidation of Hindu votes, driven in part by the renewed push for Khalistani separatism. As sectarian politics intensifies in the region, the saffron party appears poised to gain further support, particularly in urban areas.

The BJP, however, has downplayed the formation of the Akali Dal (WPD). “Parties are not formed overnight. The new Akali Dal cannot replace the older one,” Union Minister Ravneet Bittu said. Earlier, Punjab BJP president Sunil Jakhar had appealed to the Akal Takht to revive the SAD.

Amid the State’s ongoing struggles with agricultural distress, farm protests, cross-border narcotics trafficking, and rampant drug abuse, questions arise about the role of the Akali Dal (WPD) in shaping Punjab’s future. Will this new party add to the existing turmoil, or can it contribute meaningfully within the framework of India’s Constitution? Regardless of its direction, the emergence of the Akali Dal (WPD) has undeniably complicated the prospects for the SAD (Badal)’s revival, which is already grappling with internal conflict and diminishing support. The party is preparing to launch a month-long membership campaign starting January 20. This will be followed by organisational elections at different levels, with the election of the party president set to take place on March 1.

Asked about his reaction to the formation of the Akali Dal (WPD), Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, told reporters: “Punjab’s land is very fertile, you can sow anything but not the seeds of hatred; attempts to polarise people failed in the past too.” Observers point to the 1989 general election in which candidates with radical ideologies triumphed, with the party led by Khalistan supporter Simranjit Singh Mann securing a significant victory. Six of the party’s candidates won by large margins, including Mann, who claimed the Tarn Taran seat with an overwhelming lead of 4,80,417 votes. The other party MPs also won by margins exceeding one lakh votes. However, the momentum was short-lived, as the party failed to replicate its success in the 1991 elections and beyond.

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